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Meg Cabot was born in Bloomington, Indiana. In addition to her adult contemporary fiction, she is the author of the bestselling young adult fiction The Princess. Novels By Meg Cabot Avalon High All American Girl Teen Idol The Princess Of you make heard your new pdf, have the download funds, pitfalls, or deals that are Not, of no 30 truth indonesian comparison, you are based the unwanted shift . for the Lectionary Speaking Choir: Cycle B mobi Download Parthian Stations. Meg Cabot's bestselling Princess Diaries series has delighted millions of middle grade and teen readers, and it was turned into the wildly popular Disney mov.


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Complete Book List. DOWNLOAD PDF >. BOOKS FOR TWEENS From the Notebooks of a Middle School Princess · From the Notebooks of a Middle School . Meg. Cabot studied Art at Indiana University. Then she became an illustrator of books and magazines. Meg's first novel, Where Roses Grow Wild, was published. Shadowland (The Mediator, Book 1) · Read more Meg Cabot - The Princess Diaries 02 - Princess In The Spotlight · Read more.

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Kode Voucher. Ringkasan Belanja. Klik Bayar untuk menyelesaikan transaksi. Fail Retrieve Data. Try Again. Log In Sign Up. Style and authorial identity in Indonesian teen literature: Novi Djenar. A sociostylistic approach. Pre-print version — chapter in: Language and Identity Across Modes of Communication. De Gruyter Mouton. Chapter 11 Style and authorial identity in Indonesian teen literature: Introduction Style has long been a major topic in literary and stylistic studies where it is generally conceived of in terms of a way of writing that makes a work, or corpus of work, distinctive.

A literary analysis of style typically focuses on the identification of linguistic features that evidence what Jakobson Indeed, it is on this understanding that the discipline of stylistics was founded. According to Leech and Short, a stylistic analysis should ideally concentrate on a particular work rather than a body of work, as the greater the linguistic variation found in a corpus of texts, the more difficult it is to attempt a thorough explication of the authorial style.

However, recent stylistic studies, including those by Short Semino and Short ; Hoover , have explored other methodological avenues — corpus analysis being one — to show that stylistic analyses need not be confined to a particular text. Meanwhile, style has traditionally been studied in sociolinguistics in terms of dialect variation and group style.

Most of the work in the tradition pioneered by Labov in the s and s directed its attention to describing the speech styles of social groups. In this tradition, style is determined by setting a correlation between speech characteristics and social variables such as age, sex, occupation, and geographical origin.

Recent work in sociolinguistics, which seeks to give more prominence to individual speakers, has been critical of this conception. Coupland , for example, objects that the focus on groups has led to inadequate attention for individual creativity. Coupland argues that style is an interactive achievement and a multi-directional process involving performance and identity formation.

While style has been a major interest in stylistics and sociolinguistics, analyses of style in one discipline rarely consider incorporating insights from the other. Stylistics is concerned primarily with pre-produced texts, particularly written ones, while sociolinguistic style is primarily concerned with talk.

Nevertheless, the concern of both disciplines is with the linguistic articulation of style. Both conceptualize style as a matter of distinctiveness i. Given this shared concern, and granting that the difference in the empirical basis on which style is studied may reflect discipline boundaries, there seems to be no a priori reason for maintaining a sharp distinction between style in stylistics and sociolinguistic style.

This chapter capitalizes on the shared characteristics of the disciplines to offer an analysis of texts framed as a sociostylistic approach. The sociostylistic approach advanced here considers important two dimensions of text analysis: Drawing data from two novels written by established writer of popular fiction, Ken Terate, the relationship between the author, the work, and the socio-historical context of the work is examined.

The purpose is to demonstrate that linguistic choices and variation in fictional texts is motivated not only by artistic purposes but also the need to respond to normative expectations. A work of fiction is the product of the social world of its times, therefore an analysis of style that restricts itself to the linguistic context of the text would be likely to miss the significance of the larger societal discourse that influences the work and in relation to which the author situates the work.

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Of course, popular fiction texts can be analyzed in terms of linguistic features alone, without considering the context of its production and reception. However, doing so would mean that the many instances of linguistic variation are likely to be explained as arbitrary rather than motivated choices.

This is particularly considering that, at the formal level i. Bypassing the socio-historical aspect of texts would also mean that the ideological implications which may be attached to stylistic variation would not be captured. In the Indonesian context, where the value of popular fiction — particularly that aimed at teenagers — and the literacy skills of its authors are often questioned, linguistic choices often become a mechanism by which authors both stand against, as well as affirm, the normative moral framework Butler that governs the understanding of what the purpose of fiction for young people is and how it should be written.

In this chapter, I seek to show through an analysis of negative marking in two teenlit novels written by Ken Terate, that authors often respond to normative expectations by appropriating them at the same time as challenging them.

In the novels examined, Terate uses forms from both standard and colloquial Indonesian to represent the speech and thought of teen characters. While some of the uses conform to the typification between certain linguistic forms and social characters, others lie far outside it. This stance in turn contributes to the emergence of an authorial style that conforms neither to the stereotypical teenlit writing nor to the standard language norm expected of literary texts.

Style and identity, then, is both a matter of individual agents constructing their own unique way of writing and also of those agents being constrained by social and historical times and moral norms Butler Leech and Short They also argue that concentrating on written texts allows the analyst to determine how language is used to fulfill an artistic function: Rather, it is a statement about the unique way an author writes in a particular text.

Weber Style, he asserts, is the result of interaction between linguistic and extralinguistic elements and social actors involved in the entire context of its production and reception: The work of Ken Hyland , , on academic writing, for example, strongly lends support to the idea that written texts are not simply conveyance of ideas in a written form, but are a form of interaction between author and reader. Academic writing, Hyland explains, is a representation of authorial identity, by which he means the identity of the author as a real individual.

Paragraph 1. Thus the views expressed in a work of fiction are not the views of a real author, but rather of the author figure we have in our minds.

As Leech and Short In the case of Indonesian teen fiction, and indeed many authors of popular fiction, the reader and general public have several means for accessing the views of the real author. As Gelder Teenlit authors not only publish novels but also engage in self-promotional activities, ranging from maintaining professional blogs and subscribing to other forms of social media e. Rather, the relation between the text and the author is one of indexicality.

Indonesian teenlit writers have been sharply criticized for an excessive attention to themes to do with urban middle-class teen girls and lack of rhetorical skills. Many writers are concerned to challenge this criticism, and, as described in the next section, some do so more explicitly than others. The words, phrases, and structures they use in novels are indexical of their stances toward social and ideological matters that inform and influence them. Indexicality in the sense intended in this chapter diverges from that espoused by Schmid in his explication of the implied author.

Objectively speaking, it refers to the author image behind a work, to an entity that sits somewhere between the real author and the fictive narrator.

Schmid stresses that neither components suggest that authors have the intention to represent themselves in the fiction. That a work becomes associated with its author is an unintended product of any symbolic representation, not only of fiction.

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However, rather than taking the notion to suggest how a work comes to be identified as a product of the artistic act of the author, it is understood as the indirect relation between the words in the text and authorial identity, that the relation between the two is mediated by stance. Ochs argues that the relation between language forms and social constructs such as gender is not direct; that is, the forms do not carry the social meanings of gender.

People come to understand that language serves different pragmatic functions and that the realizations of these functions vary across social identities. Authorial identity is thus mediated by stances, as realized linguistically in the words and phrases contained in the text. It is in this sense that fiction as an expression of authorial identity is intended in this study. Authorial stance is discernible not only in fictional genres where authors are assumed to have a great amount of freedom to craft an individual style, but also in non-fictional genres.

As Hyland Writing is therefore a form of social interaction in which writers present themselves to the audience with relative freedom while observing conventions relevant to their disciplines. The relative freedom to explore how one wants to present oneself is, in this regard, accompanied by a constraint on form and general purpose.

Le Page and Tabouret- Keller observe that people vary their speech styles in order to affiliate with or distinguish themselves from others. Thus their ability to adopt that style is constrained by social conditions.

Lack of recognition and access means that the possibility for emulation is minimized.

In a different vein, but also suggesting that people are always constrained by social conditions, Butler writes that the formation of identity requires the self to respond to norms.

From the time it comes into being, the self never stands alone; it is implicated in, and conditioned by, a set of social norms and moral frameworks: Teenlit writers recognize and have access to the youth register of colloquial Indonesian through interaction with young people, exposure to this register in the mass media particularly television and social media , and having been teenagers themselves.

Though writers have knowledge of this register, how they choose to represent teen styles is motivated by their desire to represent those styles but is also constrained by normative expectations concerning fiction writing conventions and moral responsibility. They encounter such expectations through formal education, community voices, and also mass media. Writers both appropriate and challenge these expectations. Fariana is referring here to the writing style of well-known Indonesian female writer Ayu Utami in her seminal novel Saman, which contains explicit references to sex.

To Fariana, sex can be described without resorting to details in the manner that Utami displays in Saman. Another writer, Sitta Karina, explicitly stated that writers have a moral responsibility towards their readers: Fariana, affirming the normative expectations, stated that colloquial Indonesian is acceptable in teenlit, but only in dialogue: But what catapulted the genre to popularity in Indonesia is more than just the fact that its target audience is teenage girls.

At the time of its introduction, Indonesia was undergoing a significant political transformation, following the fall of an authoritarian government in With the loosening of state control on public expressions, a new development in written literature took place whereby new women writers surged to prominence and dominated the literary scene.

Aveling Younger female writers followed the lead of their older counterparts by publishing teenlit novels. Like their counterparts, teenlit writers quickly gained an audience. The popularity of their novels was due in no small part to the strong promotion by the publishers.

These publishers took the opportunity afforded by the new political freedom to capture the youth market. This timely initiative clearly paid off. Thus a combination of factors worked simultaneously in serving as impetus for the emergence of the genre in Indonesia. The genre of teen romance is in fact not new in Indonesia.

In the s, when freedom of expression was heavily circumscribed, the publication industry was flourishing and youth novels were in demand. These novels, written by Eddy D. Iskandar and both published in , feature a witty though penniless university-age male protagonist who has a penchant for partying and acquiring girlfriends. Unlike novels in the field of Literature with the capital L , youth novels were not subject to state censorship. This is probably because political sentiments which might have been perceived as challenging state ideology were largely outside their concern.

In both cases, colloquial Indonesian features prominently as the everyday language of young people. As the target audience was youth, the colloquial style was judged as appropriate for the genre.

The arrival of teenlit filled this vacuum. Whereas girls are drawn to teenlit from the beginning, boys tend to gravitate toward comics and humourous short stories. The latter quickly dominated the market. In fact, local novels exceeded their translated counterpart in terms of market success. Major publishers e.

Publishers identified two essential elements of the genre: While youth Indonesian was also used in previous novels by Iskandar and Hariwijaya, the sheer number of novels that appeared in a short time a period of five years between and meant that youth Indonesian was rendered highly visible in the literary and media worlds.

This rapid development was unsettling to some, particularly those who saw it as their task to ensure that literary language is not corrupted. Because of this, during the peak period of the genre around , teenlit writers were often put under the spotlight for producing novels that are of unacceptable quality.

To critics, teenlit novels are too narrowly confined to romantic teen relationships and are written in poor language. One if these critics is Amran Tasai, an employee of the state-owned agency, Centre for Languages. By focusing on worldly pursuits such as shopping at expensive malls and traveling overseas, the novels ignore the everyday concerns of many ordinary young people in Indonesia.

To make his point, Tasai compares the language in teenlit with that in a classic novel. By reading them, young people develop reading skills to enable them to read difficult literary works. Other writers address the criticisms by writing novels about social issues and paying a more conscious attention to their use of language.

Ken Terate admitted that she had not paid much notice to these criticisms. Rather, she seems to subscribe to normative voices by advising budding writers to observe the convention for fiction writing.

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