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Cidades rebeldes david harvey pdf

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Cidades rebeldes by David Harvey, Ermínia Maricato, Mi is Politics & Current Events Na esteira dos recentes protestos que abalaram o país. 1 ago. (PDF) DAVID HARVEY, NEOLIBERALISMO E CAPITALISMO | Ihering As Cidades Rebeldes de David Harvey POR DAVID HARVEY. Resumo. As regiões periféricas da cidade de São Paulo revelam uma profunda contradição em suas paisagens – por um lado . the thinking of Felix Guattari and David Harvey, showing Cidades rebeldes: passe livre e as manifestações.


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Rebel cities: from the right to the city to the urban revolution I David Harvey. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN (alk. PDF | The paper discusses the political usefulness and the challenges espacial de Edward Soja às cidades rebeldes de David Harvey, numa. spatial justice to David Harvey's rebel cities, in an attempt to highlight the most espacial de Edward Soja às cidades rebeldes de David Harvey, numa tentativa.

University of California Press. It is resources such as forests, pastures and where dissent is publicized, where insat- rivers, in an urban context we can take isfactions are expressed and represented. That means it planning council, the highest collegiate has a governor as its agent, has auton- body of the System of Urban and Territo- omy to institute and collect taxes and rial Planning of the Federal District. While the examples cited before differ Some of the actions might only be tem- spatially, temporally, demographically, porary, yet the accumulation of knowl- Feira Livre 2 anos. The contempo- rary shopping mall, in contrast, as Frederic Jameson

Also brings the discussion of numeri- cal and cartographic indicators to support urban planning decisions, as well as the diversification of discussion groups and the application of new solutions for the appropriation of urban public places. Introduction Knowing a city for the first time, the initial qualitative impression is given by the perception of its public spaces and social interactions possible and practiced. According to Mark Girouard the great cities have always exerted a power of attraction and fascination on travelers and immigrants in general.

The pulse of urban life enchants diversity, anonymity, and abundance of options and situations of sociability, work and leisure. Life in the streets is historically important to measure social codes and city dy- namics.

Urban centers have always had an important role as a scenario of post- cards, intense social life, places of important economic and political activities. Even though the different urbanization in different cultures, some social standards keep both in European cities and in their former colonies. Since , when world population officially became more urban than rural, was the need to assess the quality conditions of the existing cities more urgent and undeniable, as well as review paradigms and methods of processing data for urban planning.

At the same time, in the United States, Jane Jacobs argues that quality of life occurs in the pedestrian scale, in public spaces, in the diversity of uses and in en- vironmental quality, all harmoniously combined in neighborhood daily life, accen- tuating the positive value of diversity.

This perception arises from the strong ques- tioning of urban planning and redevelopment that resulted from the modernist functionalism instituted by CIAM - International Congresses of Modern Architec- ture in the s in Europe. In Brazil the urban space and other spatialities began to be deeply discussed by Milton Santos in the decades of the s and s.

The public place according to its wording is any one in which the public sphere is established - general or strict - regardless of whether it is public or private property, since the public place is often established by combining spaces in both private and public property. The use is here leading in the graphic, not the physical structure of the build area. La nuova topografia di Roma Comasco, by Giambattista Nolli, ca.

Katia Canova, ; source: It had its most significant development from the late nineteenth century until the mid-twentieth century, when it received a population increase of the order of millions of inhabitants, and suffered physical alterations in its constructions and roadways. There he describes how the colonial city, built of pylon mud, passes through structural changes giving rise to avenues, large parks and tiled palaces, which in a third moment are replaced by great buildings.

Palacete Penteado, Fraya Frehse explores sociability in the streets by the records of these photog- raphers "Oh, Street Man! Guilherme Gaensly, explores urban landscapes for postcards, in elaborated gardens or architectural monuments, without thoroughly exploring everyday life. Frehse, Fig. Postcard from "Largo do Tesouro" by Guilherme Gaensly, Photo by Vicenzo Pastore, Returning to Eugenio Queiroga it is important to remember the urban factors that potentiate the public space as a public place: In the other districts the public places were more restricted to some commercial streets, squares, parks, but mainly in the corners, where the small local commerce finds privileged status.

One of sociability icons in various cities in the world are the bars, cafes or bak- eries. Usually found on street corners, represent both the architectural as social point of view the most hybrid places as the appropriation. They are both private and public as the same time.

Private regarding the administration and property management, but often advance the sidewalks making these spaces intense places of socialization. In addition to these concepts, social participa- tion and the construction of an open, systemic, po- rous and synergic planning system were also strengthened, as was mentioned by Richard Sen- nett, Saskia Sassen and Joan Clos at the closing lecture of the 3rd UN-HABITAT held in Quito in October Sassen also stressed the importance of the search for social equity, the social function of property and the need to recover local processes in cities.

Joan Clos emphasized the importance of open and participatory discussion of demands. Sennett complements emphasizing the harmful as- pect of the practice of building large, isolated resi- dential condominiums monofunctional city. Systemic analysis of the territory Considering that this work is inserted in a group of cartography research, we will see below the cartographic material developed to support this local planning.

Initially it was developed atlas of the municipality to demonstrate the construc- tions in the territory under six thematic fronts.

The themes of analysis are: Quality measuring tools During the development of the Regional Plans of the Subprefeituras - PRS, were selected more than areas for development of future urban projects.

To better qualify these areas, as well as to prioritize interventions were established some parameters and indicators, which combined should generate a quality index of public spaces. Table of variables to be explored for the construction of quality index of public spaces: This matrix can support technical and political decisions to pri- oritize actions in public spaces.

Next we will show some important data mapped: The Analytic Hierarchy Process, in which the variables will be weighted among each other, resulting in a ranking of priorities. This can be a great technical support tool for political decisions, as well as the participatory pro- cesses necessary for the democratic construction of urban spaces. It The insurgent practices Holston refers does the very opposite, by creating new to are those found both in organized identities and makings new claims 9.

The intersection between the for substantive citizenship - one that emergence, expansion and advance of guarantees rights and demands respon- these practices and claims, and the forms sibilities.

In many cases, those who are of repression and segregation they meet formal citizens but are poor have little is where the sites for insurgent citizen- access to rights, while rich non-citizens ship lies.

Varying in time and place, they enjoy certain privileges. In broad terms, introduce new identities and practices most citizenships systematically legit- that disturb established histories 8.

Particularly in es of urban degradation generated by Brazil, as for the 19th century, citizenship these urban and neoliberal processes was based on social differences - differ- is that a new space for civic participa- ences of education, property, race, gen- tion, rights and collective imagination der, and occupation - as rights were only emerges.

This new urban citizenship is available to particular kinds of citizens based on three main processes. The irst and exercised as the privilege of particu- is the creation of an alternative public lar social categories. It was only recently, in , that agenda of citizenship. The second is the political citizenship was made universal.

The Insurgent, therefore, means many things third is the transformation of the relation at the same time. In Spaces of Insurgent between state and citizen, which gener- Citizenship, Holston refers to the insur- ates new legal frameworks, participatory gent spaces of citizenship, which oppose institutions, and policy-making practices.

At the same the city begins to yield into its inhabi- time, he uses insurgent to the unprec- tants unprecedented urban knowledge, edented kinds of rights claimed, based but also of bureaucracy and law.

In the on the lived experience, outside of the process of making claims and demands, normative and institutional deinitions of residents and community organizations the state and its legal codes. Insurgent involved with these practices gain not is also used in reference to the new and only a legal education but are armed with possible alternative futures, possible a language to engage with the state and sources for the development of new kinds its elites.

In this confrontation, a much of practices and narratives about be- more autonomous sphere of self-inter- longing to and participating in society The question of the commons and within which this cry and demand is at the heart of discussions revolving is visible. In public space — on street co-produced democracy, and cannot be corners or in parks, in the streets simply reduced to resources we share. It is in public space where the pub- Traditionally associated with natural lic sphere becomes more tangible.

It is resources such as forests, pastures and where dissent is publicized, where insat- rivers, in an urban context we can take isfactions are expressed and represented.

Public spaces facilitate encounters, make them so, in a process referred to and thus social learning. Public space as commoning Although communities teaches. The coexistence of the differ- might be responsible for commoning, ent in public space is important for the we will refer to the public instead, to cultivation of tolerant and empathetic avoid the risk a community might pose societies, not to mention the produc- in creating enclosures, focused solely tive conlict it generates between dif- on the similarities a community shares, ferent interests, political groups and rather than on the very differences be- classes, and the consequent exchang- tween people that can possibly meet es, compromises and negotiations.

The use, transformation and appropri- ation of public space, consequently, In the city, the neoliberal practices that become particularly instrumental as enclose, privatize and, therefore, dimin- forms by which political action takes ish the availability of public goods and in place and citizenship emerges. The spatial appropriation and have been informing both the research transformation, therefore, can become and the design concomitantly, allow- a mechanism for larger transformations ing for new relections and iterations.

People become citizens through their Field Research participation in the conception, con- This research began 3 years ago, when struction, and management of the city, still in Brasilia I co-founded Coletivo and particularly, through the negoti- Mob, an organization engaged in urban ations of the use of public space.

The year previous to the MS in everyday uses and practices can produce, Design and Urban Ecologies, I was in- over time, new space for political action. During then and even before, I attended many of Commons and commoning are, there- the events and spaces mentioned here, fore, important spaces and forms of as well as helped organize or worked being in common, engaged in collective closely to those who were involved in action that can generate the most varied their organization and promotion.

Rethinking and reinventing the to the city, insurgent citizenship and concept of commons is in fact insep- commons, as well as design processes arable from reinventing and extending and methods. Furthermore, newspapers, which requires new categories and insti- online articles and documentaries were tutions, new forms of management and other sources on appropriation of public governance, and new spaces and actors The beginning of this proposal. This mentioned in this study and conduct in exercise also led to the mapping of per- depth interviews in their spaces of action.

While in Brasilia, I that support social, cultural and politi- spoke to members of Mercado Sul Vive, cal life, such as speciic bars and coffee Dulcina Vive, Horta Girassol, Horta da shops. Back time, access, etc and means of action. Unfortunately, there were many I attended meetings, frequented par- initiatives that I was unable to reach, ties and gatherings, as well as met because of my limited time in Brasilia organizations and spaces in person, and lack of connections to them.

Moving where I gathered pertinent insights. I later applied their and generalize assumptions I had. Later in April gathered from one to a couple of initia- , I also attended a panel discussion tives to be representative of the type of organized by SOM Architecture, on The practices they embodied, and described Future of Public Space, which gathered them in full detail, as to exemplify the interesting observations from NY urban existing practices of appropriating, trans- practitioners.

Pdf harvey cidades david rebeldes

During Spring of , I forming and reclaiming public space. To simplify the ods including online and ofline tools for scope of the project - as I understand engagement, participatory workshops the concept of public space is an ongoing and mapping sessions, and establishes a debate - , for effects of this project, pub- framework for the use and appropriation lic space is that which is openly accessi- of public spaces to be adopted by the ble; that consumes collective resources; city.

Based on a more phenomenological approach, 1 Venicio A. Boitempo Editorial, University of California, Rebel Cit- ies. Verso, Henri Lefeb- Tactics of Translation vre. Routledge Ltd, After conducting interviews and going 7 Mark Purcell.

I called this method, Tactics of 9 Holston, This was funda- nal of Design Strategies: Cooperative Cities. The New School, Citizenship, De- is needed in order to replicate and am- mocracy and Public Space in Latin Amer- plify the existing actions, and where are ica. Routledge, Democracy and Public Design Strategy Space.

Oxford Univ. Press, Designing Infrastructures of Inclu- strategy towards the democratic gover- sion. New York: The stan- dations, which continue to be the basis dardization of buildings and separation for the construction and preservation of through large green areas, its functional the city: Utopic, with greenery.

While on the one hand, many of node of its urban layout , and symbolic these allegations are true to some extent, meeting of people characters.

Harvey pdf cidades rebeldes david

The main on the other, after the many years since activities of the city, although concen- its inauguration, brasilienses are redein- trated in the center, were divided into ing what it means to inhabit the func- sectors, among them the Banking Sector, tional city in ways that might be invisible the Commercial Sector, the Hotel Sector to those who look at it from above. Building a new capital in tial, gregarious and bucolic, denoting both the hopes of the rising of a new society their physical aspects and the feelings meant that not only were the physical and symbols they evoke.

Yet this highways to connect the populations indicator also reveals racial inequality, to jobs and services in the Pilot Plan. These of the development of the automobile differences are expressed in social and industry in Brazil conformed an urban infrastructure terms as well. Access to scenario that privileged the automobile, schools and hospitals is deicient in these in detriment of public transportation.

Brasilia expresses spatially, through pure space, its urban reality shows its functions and internal structure, its the same conlicts and challenges social relations. In this scenario, the di- of other Brazilian cities. After vision is marked by the long physical and all, if it were not so, the Modern social distances that separate the nobler Movement would have inally and less privileged classes.

The upper concretized the utopia of the ideal class, which commutes by car, rarely city. The distances between neighbor- Plan were removed and transferred to hoods, but also between homes and jobs, distant undeveloped areas and entire commercial and leisure areas, traveled by neighborhoods were developed to ac- cars, restrict the spontaneous encounters commodate lower income populations, that happen in cities where different uses which attracted even more migrants and people are allowed.

By eliminating this type sense of community and political engage- of street, it also eliminates the urban ment because of the way they use and crowds and the outdoor political domain navigate urban space — individually and of social life that the street traditionally privately in their cars — and on the other, supports. Again, these indoor rooms of malls, clubs, homes, two realities happen apart from each oth- and cars does not merely reproduce er and, consequently, today there are little the outdoor city public and its citizenry opportunities for the different to encoun- in a new interior setting.

Rather, this ter or interact, which is very prejudicial interiorization encourages a privatizing for urban life and democracy in general. Privatization allows greater control of access to space, Similarly, the inlexibility of uses and and that control almost invariably activities allowed instated by the early stratiies the public that uses it.

IBGE ate the city violates the very right to the thing, without differentiating its parts, city. In a city as young as Brasilia, the which should have different treatments premature preservation makes it very once they have different forms and func- dificult for the city to adapt and sup- tions.

The boundaries of preservation as port the emerging practices of those who well as what in fact is being preserved is inhabit and deine it, especially in the also questionable, while it fails to pre- fast changing world that we are living in serve certain spaces, preserves others now.

Many that, inevitably, interfere in its struc- different studies, policies and plans have ture, performance and sustainability 9. What makes it with an onerous and expensive public especially dificult is that its status as a transportation leads to the endemic use UNESCO heritage site is not in respect of cars.

This, in turn, leads to the con- to artifacts and spaces consolidated by struction of more highways, expands time, but to the urban conception as a urban development further away, makes whole. There is an idealization of the city public transportation and infrastruc- as a inished object, allowing only small ture even more expensive and creates alterations and being treated as a single even more divisions between classes.

What addition to his or her private life, his or they failed to point out, however, is that her existence as a natural being or part aside from all the physical and normative of nature, creates a kind of second life, issues related to empty spaces in the a kind of political bios or political being city, there is also a feeling of neglect by that comes to fruition with other people. As the real estate market privatizes but also by their participation in a social and interiorizes spaces and the state contract that has a public character; a centralizes the design and management tacit contract based on words and per- of urban spaces and restricts the activ- suasion, non-violence and non-force.

As goods and or never learned what it means to live spaces become privatized, public space in a city and the implications that come becomes purely spaces of circulation, and with it, or its very deinition.

The idea of functions that used to ill and give life the city, of the polis, and its origins come to public space migrate to private areas from the principle of equality of differ- as well.

The collective dimension and ences: In fact, since the Brazil- sphere. However, as a relection of the ian Constitution guarantees the right to social, economic and political inequality the city and stipulates our urban policy. At irst, lenges and barriers for the use of public it came in the form of a general escape, space and for democratic participation a non-use and emptying of the symbolic within the existing governance instances.

Moreover, those who do try to use or 1 Holston, In Brazil, cia. Empresa das Artes, Florianopolis, Minha casa, nossa cidade: Innovating Mass Housing In Brazil. Ruby Press, Ambiente, In the process of democratization, as In , the Estatuto da Cidade City new political parties emerged, they Statute was approved at the federal had to compete for the popular vote to level, establishing guidelines and instru- continue governing and defending their ments for the enforcement of the urban political interests.

Therefore, investing policy and instating the right to the city in urbanization and the regulation and as a right of the citizens of Brazil.

One promotion of informal settlements be- of the instruments was the Plano Dire- came a political electoral device with tor local masterplan , which became great possibilities of return for their the oficial planning document in cit- promoters, whether in the form of votes ies where populations exceeded 20, by constituents or in the form of cam- inhabitants, and were supposed to be paign funding by contactors.

Additional- developed through participation. Although the political-bureaucratic apparatus. For and roundabouts by entities and private example, in order to organize an event in companies, it mostly concerns embellish- public space, depending on the number ments and maintenance of those spac- of people attending, there are at least es, which in reality become devices for 8 different agencies, public bodies or advertising.

Not to mention by entities and private companies, in the fact that this process is not avail- the form of concessions or private-pub- able online, requiring organizers to move lic-partnerships. Photo by utado distrital Delmasso proposed PL more tied to publicity of private sponsors. Even within the city, one might tains, sidewalks, signs and waste col- ind divergences between the residents, lection stations. It also refers to a pro- who might identify as living in Brasilia or gram, which addresses implementation not being a part of it at all, when living or and extends it to both legal entities and coming from administrative regions other individuals, which gives leeway for res- than the Pilot Plan.

This has a lot to say idents and community associations to about how the city of Brasilia has been be included as well. Segeth, When it comes to administrative regions satellite cities as the Pilot Plan in particular, other entities parts of the whole. However, as a Fed- are involved as well, such as Iphan - the eral District, it is a special and unique historical and artistic heritage institute federal unit and has attributions of both - and Conplan, the territorial and urban state and municipalities.

That means it planning council, the highest collegiate has a governor as its agent, has auton- body of the System of Urban and Territo- omy to institute and collect taxes and rial Planning of the Federal District. The other state and municipal tributes, has a latter has a consultative and deliberative Legislative constituted by deputies and role to assist the Administration in the not councilman , who form a Legislative formulation, analysis, monitoring and Chamber and not Assembly , which like updating of guidelines and instruments a Town Hall, legislates on land parceling, for the implementation of urban policy.

The multiplicity of agencies and managers However, its territory cannot be subdi- makes planning and coordination dificult, vided into municipals, which entails its and the disarticulation and overlapping of political organization by Administrative functions lead to conlicts of competen- Regions RAs - the satellite cities, which cies.

Moreover, the instability that comes are managed by appointed oficials. Al- Landmark Preservation Inst. Estudos Ur- banos e Regionais v. District, establishes its responsibilities, and gives other measures, such as: Region should have a Council of Community Representatives, with advisory and supervisory functions - The assets of the Fed. District should Lei 2. Regional Administrational and payment.

1º TEXTO - David Harvey, ‘Cidades Rebeldes’, Capítulo 1 (‘O Direito à Cidade’)

Civil code Among many things, the civil code classi- Lei 5. Lei 4. There the right to the city: To that end, he redeining citizenship and participation. After the demon- strations that happened from Cairo to New York in cities all around the globe, in it hit Brazil as well. Beginning in June , what began as a protest against the increase in bus fairs turned into the biggest manifestation since the impeachment of Fernando Collor in the 90s. After the outbreak of protests in cities across Brazil, namely Jornadas de Junho June Journeys , activist ac- tions merged with cultural actions began to expand3.

Courtesy of the usually located in other private spaces. While leisure social network fulilled a function that and cultural options are increasingly con- until then was not possible, of expansion strained due to lack of public investment, and visibility, potentializing many dis- and especially by virtue of the privatiza- persed initiatives and making it possible tion of such activities coupled with the for a new generation, that of Brasilia-born expansion of suburban urbanization and residents, to begin reacting to the frag- the creation of shopping malls, subject mented city made of highways and large to high prices, regulations and surveil- empty spaces.

While Brasilia Coma no Jardim , apps for donations, has vast bucolic areas, it lacks in botecos loans and exchanges Boomerang , var- informal bars that can be found in any ious online groups for meet-ups and corner , for example, an old urban habit timebanks, Whatsapp groups for street of the country.

Being one of mer, as well as the little support provided the most rigid laws of the country re- for typical cultural manifestations such garding sound limit, the law does not as Carnival, led to the increase of these provide exceptions for cultural activities events as a form of protest as well.

Although many subterranean passages and parties under of them happen temporarily, for a short the viaducts, which convey the scale period of hours during the day or night, and the social function of public space.

Courtesy of meet and play a role of counterculture, Balada em Tempos of alternative and of renewal of the old de Crise. The barriers imposed by the formal frameworks such as zon- ing, legislation and bureaucracy among others changed the switch from purely social and cultural practices to political ones as well.

1º TEXTO - David Harvey, ‘Cidades Rebeldes’, Capítulo 1 (‘O Direito à Cidade’)

In fact, many of the cultur- al producers have been organizing and making claims of their own due to the lack of recognition of their work, on the one hand, and the lack of public invest- ment and support on the other. Consequently, many street blocks that started infor- mally and autonomously decided not to participate as a form of protest. Confronto Soundsystem, for example, which has been promoting open par- ties for 12 years, was one of the groups who decided not to partake, publishing a public letter on Facebook explain- ing their motivations and stating their claims, which to cite a few were related to permit issuing, funding criteria, de- mocratizing opportunities, safety and police abuse, and nonconformity of law.

Midia Ninja because it is one of the most signiicant street rituals today. It was the authentic feast of time, that of the future, alternations and renew- als. And in fact, opposing the enclosed parades, blocks and VIP sections in Rio de Ja- neiro, Salvador and other cities, street carnival is still one of the few opportuni- ties for expression of democracy, liber- ation and appreciation of our culture. This in part explains why street carni- val has been increasing all over Brazil, in so-called alternative carnival blocks, where especially the middle-class youth are inding spaces for contestation to a very unpopular government.

The context of reclaiming streets post- Jornadas de Junho, the political and economic crisis, added to the lack of support for artists, is leading to an increase in alternative car- nival blocks, where musicians are inding space for artistic and political expression.

Bloco das Divi- Source: Midia Ninja nas Tetas is in fact an allusion to Tropica- lia, a Brazilian counterculture movement in the 70s that opposed the extreme right conservatism of the military dictatorship. In times of mediated violence and privatized leisure, it is during Car- nival that people experience coexisting with the different, with otherness. Wan- dering throughout the city becomes a form of contesting modern urbanism, evoking the tradition of the laneurs, who walked slowly, without a ixed destina- tion, attentive to the surroundings and the encounters.

In Carnival, however, the wandering is almost always collec- tive, in a relationship between bodies, space and time. There are obviously different carnivals, but the one described is very speciic in the modes of dress, the relationship with space, the narrative constructions and the non-hierarchical structure that to- gether conform this urban expedition that is at the same time festive, activist and errant.

Celebrating becomes a ight for the power to deine what is and what is not a celebration. If Carnival is desirable, it is not so much for the "facilities it affords as a body market," as Alan Pauls wrote about the beach, but for the political experiment it entails: In fact, a few of them have ple adhering to the carnival blocks and become elitist and homogeneous, not parties in public space is great to pro- contradicting the logics of consumption mote the gathering of people in Brasilia, of private spaces and shopping malls.

Many of the faulty public transportation. The use of the word occu- demonstrates a repressed demand for pation for social events in public space culture and sociability. As many of these has been used more often than not, initiatives promote events on forgotten or which could implicate the emptying of neglected spaces, they also try to bring its initial - more political - meaning.

This awareness to such spaces, in particu- explains the concern that exists for the lar forgotten cultural amenities, which participants to be aware of these political are not promoted, used, or maintained, movements - in Brazil and globally. In this demanding from city oficials but also sense, the urbanist collective Coletivo from the residents a renewed perspective MOB, for example, encourages people to and care.

Spaces that allow walking, witnessing, being in public, the interaction of different social classes, are as much part of the design races and backgrounds; spaces that allow and purpose as is being inside to us to perceive ourselves in relation to eat, sleep, make shoes or love or others; spaces for us to practice the very music.

The word citizen has to meaning of cities and democracy. In that sense, there has been an increase Of course, there are laws and challenges in many other events in public space as as well. In some cases, these events lack of public amenities in those regions.

Facebook, Correio Braziliense, Interviews es and infrastructure available, as well ing them and making claims, coniguring as the resources. In addition, the proto- permanent spaces of collective action cols to ask for authorizations for such and experimentation. This is the case of events are costly and time demanding. A desire and necessity to create required, high costs and lack of support spaces of conviviality; to improve eat- from the government, which in addition ing habits; to solve environmental and criminalizes cultural activities, imposes health conditions; to promote certain absurd limits in terms of permits, polic- values; to resist and create more auton- ing, etc.

Other similar examples can be control over our food production, found in other spaces, such as in uni- regenerate our environment and versities and neglected sectors in the provide for our subsistence. The central area. Students and artists are gardens are far more than a source transforming public spaces around and for food security: Courtesy These are also sites for insurgent cit- Brasilia became a set of nuclei spread of Coletivo Mob izenship.

In fact, the collective orga- throughout the territory, composed by the center Pilot Plan and the satellite cities.

Harvey cidades rebeldes pdf david

Therefore, in many of these cities, residents either rely in private facilities — if they can afford it, or community-based and cultural organiza- tions that provide activities and space for, especially youth, to express themselves. Throughout the Federal District, there are many of these organizations and spaces who act as community catalyzers and foster civic engagement and col- lective action, reclaiming public space within their possibilities.

While most of them stimulate diversity, cultural produc- tion, knowledge exchange, and periphery appreciation and empowerment, some have more speciic agendas, embracing gender and feminist perspectives in their claims. Among their activities, there are conversations, circles of care, ilm debates, poetry readings and slams, workshops, musical presen- tations, etc.

These cultural and community-based organizations, contrary to the examples 1. Mercado Sul, Photo by Webert da Cruz 2. Facebook Mercado Sul Vive 3. Sarau VA, By city. In the process of intervening from the relationships that are estab- in space, relations are being transformed, lished, the agendas that are placed and knowledges are being built and a dif- by means of access and inclusion. While the examples cited before differ Some of the actions might only be tem- spatially, temporally, demographically, porary, yet the accumulation of knowl- Feira Livre 2 anos.

Blend, March, Although there might be some lack of 8 John Holloway, Crack Capital- civic engagement in traditional spaces of ism. New York, Pluto Press, Neighbors that started orga- te". Belo Horizonte, Piseagrama, Musicians who wanted to play music and gather friends had to igure out the channels and protocols to so, in agree- ance with the required sound emission limits, zoning restrictions and permits.

The barriers imposed by the unequal distribution of public goods and the formal frameworks of zoning, legislation and bureaucracy among others changed the switch from purely social and cul- tural practices to political ones as well.

Younger generations - the irst to actually be born in Brasilia - are shaping the city after 'their own heart's desire'. Co-creat- ing and transforming their environment, these initiatives demonstrate that they have a lot to say about the future of their city and are in fact, acting towards it.

However, they still have little voice and, therefore, power and inluence in the decision making processes of a city that prioritizes its form over its people. Endnotes 1 Henri Lefebvre. Centauro, In this sense, the irst part is ditions under which different practices composed by stories and descriptions of of reclaiming public space have emerged selected practices mentioned previously. Not only individual practice and the combination of that, the proliferation of such events also them all, where connections and patterns evidenced the desire to be in public and were identiied between actors, actions to participate in the building of alterna- and resources, as well as in their ideas, tive futures for the city.

In this thesis, the outcomes and meanings. This was funda- improvised is in fact a provocation to the mental to understand the underlying prin- planned, although even in the informal ciples of appropriating, transforming and and spontaneous there is planning in- reclaiming public space, and where are volved.

According to Teddy Cruz, the informal is a Endnotes praxis: As he suggests, by visualizing 1 Tactics of translation: Inluenced by his work, space of the metropolis, the by-products of this next section aims to visualize these imposed, exclusionary political and econom- creative acts of citizenship by visualizing, ic urban recipes of privatization. Cruz, Balada em stratification and relations between the people.

The commercial sector in the city center, which was empty during Vai tomar no cover the weekends, became the target in which to intervene and reoccupy, while the parties became the tool to foster new relationships between people and public space, subversively appropriating an area originally intended for institutional use. To get the necessary permits, they usually need a month in advance to prepare. However, many times they use guerilla tactics to dribble the bureaucracy and discouragement they face, and organize informally, using the loopholes of the system.

To finance the street parties, they hold paid parties or play as DJs at other parties and revert their revenue into the free events. Since many of the members are designers, they mainly spread out flyers and wheat-paste posters around the city and use social media to announce the parties. Since , they have held over 30 parties and in , they began to play during carnival as well.

Balada em tempos de Crise began in , when the economic crisis was Appropriation: Among Similar: Confronto them there was also a discontent with the lack of innovation in the nightlife scene, Soundsystem, SUJO, coupled with the high prices. The crisis has guided their discourse and choice in space and the first party was under the JK Bridge.

As the parties began to get more popular and more frequent, they had to change their dynamics. That means from free parties they had to start charging entry fees because of the costs of authorizations, permissions, maintenance and the risks involved.

However, they stress that the fees are symbolic and quite low- er than those of other parties in the city. Their parties happen every month, in different formats and spac- es. The free parties still happen, funded by the paid ones. While the parties are usually electronic music, they have also experimented with gastronomy, exhibitions and creative economy.

Feira Livre started in as a group of 4 friends who wanted to market find alternative forms of entertainment in the city, that were free and open, more accessible than the existing options and that would promote different social Similar: Picnik, interactions. The first version was improvised and small, in which they used a van Domingo no Parque, and a speaker and invited some friends, which invited other friends and somehow, Ecofeira do Mercado Sul they were able to gather around people.

Since then, Feira Livre happens every three months and started to attract not only friends and residents of the nearby superblocks but also people from all around town, attracting up to people.

After the second edition, they started investing in decoration, using fabric and bamboo to make the structures for the performances and workshops. They also provide space for workshops previous editions have included traditional toy making, vertical gardens, yoga, acrobatics, etc and open mics that have discussed indigenous, feminist, gender and drug related issues, as well as the coup. While this is very common in other Brazilian cities, in Brasilia they usually take place in bars and closed venues.

As a means to revitalize the South Commercial Sector, different collectives have Roda do sudoca, been promoting parties in the underground garages and allies, and articulating Roda de choro different city agencies, private entities, cultural producers and social services. The South Commercial Sector is central and is where many jobs and services are located. However, at night it becomes empty and is considered a dangerous place by the population's imaginary.

In , a new bar opened and began to bring musicians to play samba during the weekends. In the beginning, around 20 people would show up. As the number of people grew, the movement began to attract street vendors, which competed with the bar responsible for paying the musicians and the infrastructure. The musicians and owner of bar, therefore, began to organize with the vendors, which now are allowed to stay there too, paying a small contribution to help pay the artists.

This way, the business owner, artists and street vendors together contribute to the programming and activation of the space, help in its maintenance and cleanliness and generate income for all.

The samba happens every Friday night, where people just gather around the square and the music, attracting hundreds of people. It is one of the few events that have such a regularity and that attract so many different stracts of people from the city.

Calango Careta is a carnival block that was born from 5 friends who street carnival wanted to contribute to the not so popular celebration in Brasilia. Without any musical background, they started dressing up and holding a large scale lizard Similar: Babydoll de puppet, invading other carnival blocks.

At first, they invited other musicians Nylon, Suvaco da Asa, to play for them, and in they finally started their own orchestra. Today Aparelhinho, Vai com as the block is composed of 4 fronts, the orchestra, the percussion, a choro-band profanas, Virgens da Asa composed by older men and a troupe of circus and theatre artists, comprising Norte, Bloco do Peleja, approximately people.

The block itselft attracts up to 3, people.

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For the block to work, the members are divided in different fronts, which uns aos loucos have distributed tasks in order to decentralize the responsibilities. Different whatsapp groups, meetings and rehearsals are held throughout the year to keep the large group motivated.

Whereas in the first years, they followed the formal protocols, in the last carnival they decided to do it unauthorized. Concerned with the repercussion and the amount of people that could show up, they decided not to announce the event on Facebook, using only Whatsapp as a means to communicate the event.

Not requiring any infrastructure such as power for their instruments, they could do it in the form of a parade, where the meeting point had the necessary amenities bathrooms, food, etc as did the final destination. Going along the superblocks, the parade invited passerbys and residents to join, without interfering in the neighborhood for too long.

Along the way, informal street vendors joined to provide beverages and a recycling cooperative was paid to clean the streets. Although Carnival only happens once a year, the block consists of a year-long effort to angariate funds, to prepare the band to play, as well as to continue motivating the participants.

This includes planning other activities such as open rehearsals and meetings. Now that the 60 block is growing, they have plans to create a street festival. Bicicletada Critical Mass today Description: Bicicletada is a part of the critical mass movement, in which on Appropriation: Starting in in San Francisco, in the early s Brasilia had the first event of its kind.

While the bike movement had started earlier through different organizations acting either non politically through leisure activities, in the university or in segments of the government, and some critical mass attempts were made by different sporadically, it was in , facilitated by online communication through yahoo groups,that the Bicicletada in Brasilia was resumed. It is not the intent for critical masses to be meticulously organized, but they currently happen every first and last Friday of the month at 6: As it began to happen frequently, it was baptized Bike Square, and a paracycle and sign with its name were installed, as a symbol of the appropriation of the space.

In the beginning, people were invited through the distribution of flyers and posters, but with the popularization of social media, Facebook events, whatsapp groups and email groups began to serve that purpose.

The whatsapp and email groups, in particular, are spaces for discussions on mobility, whereas the event itself is an embodiment and celebration of the collective. The event happens every month, either composed by 3 people or by Although there are certain moments in which the movements is more active, such in in a certain political climate, on special occasions such as Car Free Day and when a cyclist dies, the event gathers more people.

The occasion of the bicicletadas in Brasilia and around Brazil have helped in the creation and proliferation of other groups and movements, such as the World Bike Forum in Porto Alegre in Partially fenced, but with free access, the space is made up of 3 containers, tables made of reused oil tanks, beach chairs, canopies and a different scenography every month.

The idea came from the 4-year- old party Mimosa, organized by the scenographer Sandro Biondo and his business partner Julia Melo, which happened sporadically during the year, occupying public spaces around the city, where they gathered local entrepreneurs who sold their designs and food, along with Brazilian music, and attracted particularly the LGBT community.

Although it moves around the city, they hope to leave some type of legacy to the spaces they occupy, for example, bike rails. The initiative started earlier in , when they occupied a vacant private lot in norte a commercial street next to a residential superblock that was used as a parking lot, for 5 months, 5 days a week. They recently moved to where they are today, although they intend to keep moving around the city.

Originally,their income came from the bar in the free parties they organized, thus the idea to revert the situation: However, this type of occupation and use of public land had no precedent and therefore, no legal framework to authorize it. Other than the food vendors and stores that occupy 2 of the containers, the third one is destined to what they call the Mimo Cultural Center, in which exhibitions are held and on top of which a DJ plays.

Coletivo MOB was born of the union of five urbanist friends who Transformation: Public space therefore becomes a tool and means for the encounters and exchanges they think are necessary for the formation of a collectivity. Partnering with local organizations, MOB temporarily activates existing public space through placemaking, walks, participatory mappings and pedagogical activities, instigating the participants to look and intervene in their public spaces and neighborhoods differently, realizing that they have active roles in their planning and transformation.

Each project requires different planning frameworks, but usually MOB partners with a community organization or cultural producers to co-create events and workshops. For smaller interventions, MOB creates facebook events and announce them in local whatsapp groups, which are usually self-funded and require few materials and resources, such as for the walks and pedagogical activities. For the placemaking projects, meetings with different organizations and local administrations and city agencies are held, and funding usually comes in the form of donation or purchase of materials from the partnering groups.

Depending on the scale of the intervention, the project can be planned from two weeks to a couple of months in advance. The proposed activities usually gravitate around themes of mobility, feminism and waste, and try to encompass different age brackets, although children and youth are always more involved. Community members decided to occupy the publicly owned vacant lot that was used as a garbage deposit Similar: Horta and to transform it into a garden.

Today the garden is used as a classroom for local public schools and institutions, for 5 families that sustain themselves by selling their produce and for community members who want to work with gardening, bringing healthier eating habits and practices to the peripheral community.

Although it is the biggest community garden in the region, infrastructure and funding still lack for certain activities, such as for the courses and workshops they hold. Then, they began planting a small garden to stop people from throwing garbage, and along the years, through donations and mobilization, they expanded the garden.

Today, the garden has a simple authorization from the local administration to use the space, but is still fighting with Terracap who owns it for the use concession. Along with small grants, it is what sustains the garden.

There are currently approximately 30 volunteers and 5 families that work in the garden everyday. Even though the garden uses community radios and social media to communicate about the garden, there is still little engagement from the neighborhood itself.

The workshops include agroecological practices, such as composting, pisciculture, jam confection and medicinal planting, to name a few. The reclaiming of the space has been very important in creating new spaces for food production, social encounter, environmental preservation, but also avoiding real estate speculation in the area.

In the end of , a group of neighbors of SQN , which had already Reclaiming: